ANXEXATiON OF THE IIAWAIIAX ISLAXDS. 



"I speak for the best anJ highest interests of the American people, and 
not for speculators. I speak for the laboring poor. I speak only what all 
the fathers of our freedom have told us to believe and act upon." 




SPEECH 

OF 

/ 



;/ 



HON. ADOLPH MEYER, 



OF LOUISIANA, 



HOUvSK OF REPRESENTATIVES, 



Wl'UNKSDAY, JUMi 15, 1898. 



WASIIIXOTOM. 

1S98. 









68483 



s r E E c u 

OK 

HON. AiH)Lrn meyeu. 



Tbc House having under cor.siilcration the joint resolution (H. Res. 2^9) 
to provide for annexiug the Hawaiian Ishiuds to the United States- 
Mr. ]\IEYEIl of Louisiana said: 

Jlr. Speaker: I have weighed carefully the arguments pre- 
sented in the different reports by committees of Coni^ress favor- 
ing annexation of the Hawaiian Lslands to the United ytate? and 
especially the report of the House Connnittce on Foreign AtYairs. 
It seems'to me that everything that could be said for annexation 
has been presented in these reports and also in the able and in- 
genious speech of the chairman of the committee. But, sir, I do 
not find in these enough to satisfy my judgment or to remove the 
strong and valid obiections to the measure. Test these arguments 
and appeals by the logic of facts, and they fall to the ground. 

HAWAII NOT KSSENTIAL AS A COALING STATION. 

-The most plausible of all the pleas for annexation is the claim 
that these islands would be necessary as a coaling station in this 
war now raging and for the future. Why, sir, this argument 
was fully and completelv demolished by the speech of the gentle- 
man from Arkansas [Mr. Dixsmore] on Saturday. He demon- 
strated bv figures and authority that could not be denied that the 
route to Yokohama, Hongkong, and Manila, by the way of the 
Aleutian Islands, of Alaska, which is our own territory, is !^00 miles 
nearer than by the way of Honolulu, that there is abundance of 
anchorage there, and that it is open there all the year. 

Hero you have your coaling station already provided to your 
hand. We have not improved it for this purpose, but then, after 
having for a number of years the right to perfect your coaling 
station at Pearl Harbor in the Sandwich Islands, you have demon- 
strated by your neglect that you did not deem the matter to be of 
any serious importance; and yet you have had, long ago, the opin- 
ion of military and naval experts as to the adoption of Pearl Har- 
bor as a naval station. 

THE USEFUL rOLLIi:K. 

Sir, there is a coaling station which we can use whenever we 
will, which we are now about to use for the monitors Monfcrcy 
and Munadnock, and which all modern ships of war can use 
at will. It is the collier, the vessel specially adapted to carry 
coal. There is hardly a day in the Pacific when it can not be 
safely employed. You carry your coaling station with you. So, 
sir, there is no occasion for haste, none for hysterics, nor for a 
departure from our old and honorid policies. We have a right to a 
■ coaling station at Pearl Harbor. We may improve it if we choose, 
and well have we paid for it in giving the freedom of our ports to 
Hawaiian products. But, sir, I rejoice to think that we are not 
»tt<j 3 



(li'lioiKlciit nil Hawaii I'lr coal. As for it Leing used as a base of 
(.jx rations au'ainst the Unitfjil Stales, 1 regard the idea as prepos- 
tiroii-*. Wliat powir would do so? What power could do so? 

It is r.rged by the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee 
tliat llawiiii has violated lier neutrality in our favor in this way, 
and that after the war is over, or before, she will be amenable by 
tlieir disple.isure. To wliich one, pray? Not Spain, for we will 
Beltle up all <|nfstion.s with Spain ere wo finish the war. Who 
then is to jtunish Hawaii? Germany or France? Does any sano 
ni:in suppose tliat on HUeh a pretense or for such a reason as this 
Cicrmany or France would singly risk a war with the United 
States? 

lIAWAir IN NO DAXfiKll FKOM FOREIGN POWEns. 

Is there any man in our midst so ignorant of conditions to-day 
in Euroi)o as to imagine Germany and France combining to chas- 
tise Hawaii and thrreby jirovoking a war with the United States? 
Is Sedan forgottt-n? Is the capture and conquest of Alsace and 
Lorraine forgott^-n, or even forgiven? All this argument is based 
in the wildest and emptiest of chimeras and an utter ignorance of 
the relations, the jealosies, and the hates and rivalries of Euro- 
pean States. In order to combine, nations must have a common 
interest. 

UNMERITED ASSAULTS ON THE SPEAKER HEBUKED. 

The absence of any really valid arguments for annexation has 
driven its friends in other quarters than the House to violent and 
gross assaults upon those who differ with them. Individual gen- 
tlemen are bitterlj' and rancorously assailed because they decline 
to become partisans of this measure. They are even called traitors 
and disloyal. One of the most conspicuous victims of this species 
of assault is the Speaker of the House. Justly regarded as one of 
the ablest men of his ]iarty, its favorite repeatedly for one of the 
highest offices of our Govorninent, the memory of his great serv- 
ices to his party and of his leadership has not availed to protect 
him in this House and his motives from being aspersed. And yet 
his only crhne in the matter is that God having given him an intel- 
lect to weigh public questions, he has refused to jump at the crack 
of somebody's whip. I am not his defender. He does not need my 
help. I mention the fact merely to show the utter lack of fairness 
ami wisdom on the part of those most active in favor of annexa- 
tion, and their lack of fair and valid arguments. [Applause.] 

But this is not all. We are told, sir, that the sugar trust is 
making the o])position to Hawaiian annexation. Sir, I speak for 
a population both white and black who are engaged in the pro- 
duction of cane sugar. We have no cause to love the sugar trusts. 
Tiiey arc our competitors in the market. We grow and refine 
Ann-rican sugars under many disadvantages growing out of a 
fluctuating and often unfair, inadequate revenue duty on raw 
Bugars. The sugar trust reaches out its hand to Cuba, Demcrara, 
Hawaii, the East, South, and the West for cheap raw sugars. It 
wants them duty free, if possible, and if not duty free, thea as 
choaj) as possible. 

So. therefore, their interests and ours conflict. Does any man 
Buppost' that this trust which wants cheap sugars to refine from 
the West Indies, South America, and the East Indies would not 
wolcouio the introduction of clioap raw sugar from Hawaii? 
Their interest is all that way. I have not seen their hand in this ' 
fight, but if itdoes exert an inlluence itwillbequietlyand steadily 



exerted in favor of annoxation. for by annexation the Hawaiian 
product would be onlj' grist to tiieir mill. 

It is suggested, I know, in the committee report that sugar 
would, in case of annexation, be refined on the Hawaiian Islands, 
and would come into comiietition with the refined sugar of the 
trust. Such an idea as this would not be entertained by anyone 
■who had ever made a study of this subject. The refineries of 
tlie sugar trust, with their advantages of ample capital, skilled 
labor, established markets, and machinery of distribution, have 
nothing to fear from the petty, feeble competition of the Hawaiian 
refineries. There is no strife there. The sugar trust will get tlio 
raw sugars of Hawaii, if they want them at all, and will do the 
refining if it suits them to do so. 

Mr. bULZER. Will the gentleman from Loui.^iana allow me a 
question^ 
Mr. MEYER of Louisiana. Certainly. 

Mr. SULZER. I would like to ask the gentleman if the repre- 
sentative of the sugar trust is not now in Washington doing every- 
thing he can to defeat the Hawaiian annexation? 

Mr. MEYER of Louisiana. No representative of the sugar 
trust is in Washington, to my knowledge. If there be one here, I 
have not met or beard of him. 
Mr. GAINES. Who is the representative; what is his name? 
Mr. SULZER. Oxnard. 
Mr. GAINES. Where is his head(iuarters? 
Mr. SULZER. I do not know: but it is published in the paper, 
in the Public Intelligencer, that you have on your desk, and it says 
it will be a hard figlit to pass it in the Senate. 

Mr. MEYER of Louisiana. I know that Mr. Oxnard. whom the 
gentleman names, is a representative of a large beet-sugar indus- 
try and establishment in Nebraska, and also that be is interested 
in a very large agricultural and industrial plant in tlie State of Loui- 
siana, which grows and manufactures cane sugar. Beyond that I 
know nothing of his connections or business affiliations. 
Mr. SULZER. Does that influence the Louisiana delegation? 
Mr. MEYER of Louisiana. Speaking as far as I can for other 
members of the Louisiana delegation. I may safely say that they 
are influenced only so far as any member of the House can honor- 
ably be influenced bv what he considers to be the interests of his 
constituents and theState he represonts:and speaking for myself, 
I would say that if the State of Louisiana did not grow a .single 
stalk of sugar cane or i)roduce one pound of sugar, I woiild still 
maintain the position I do, because of the general principle in- 
volved in this resolution and the dangerous results that, in my 
judgment, would follow its enactment into law. 

Mr. GAINES. Does the gentleman from New York mean to 

impute to me that because this paper was lying on my desk, which 

came in my morning mail, that my vote or position on this (pies- 

tion was affected by it? 

Mr. SULZER. Not at all. I .say it is .so charged m the paper, 

that the representative of the sugar trust is here and 

Mr. GAINES. If he is here trying to control legislation, ho 
ought to be kicked out of town; and if he comes about me trying 
to control my vote, I will do it. 

The SPEAKER i)ro tempore (Mr. D.u.ZErj,). Does the gentle- 
man from Louisiana vielil to the gcnth man from Tennessee? 
Mr. MEYER of Louisiana. 1 can not. for my time is brief. 
3185 



Since the gentleman from Now York h&s injected the name of 
Mr. Oxnard into this debate, I want to say I know he is opposed 
to the annoxiition resolution as a representative of the beet-sugar 
growers of tiiis country and Ijecause their interests would be se- 
riously and adversely alTccled. I believe always in fostering the 
industries of this country to the exclusion of those of other coun- 
tries, and any proj'ct which would injure the progress of our 
agricultural intt-rest-^, be it in relation to sugar or any other, can 
not secure my advocacy. 

TIIK IlKAI. KKillT UETWEKN TIIK AMERICAN SUGAU FARMERS AND THE 
BUUAH TUL'ST. 

No, sir; the fif,'ht is not there. There is no fight between the 
sugar trust and the Hawaiian sugar planters, who are clamorous 
for obtaining annexation and the American market. The real 
light is between the cane-sugar growers of Louisiana and the beet- 
sugar growers of Nebraska, California, Colorado, and other States, 
who are interested in i)reserving the present status of affairs on 
the one hand, and, on the other hand, the enormous aggregation 
of capital and skill known as the sugar trust, with their nat\iral 
allies in Hawaii and other tropical countries. 

And right here permit me to read a protest which fortifies my 
position very clearly: 

In the name of the farmers of America ■we respectfully appeal to the honor- 
alile Senate and House of Representatives in Congi-ess assembled: 

First. We solemnly protest apainst hasty consideration in Congress of the 
treaty of annexation with Hawaii. 

Second. We most urgently request that this subject be treated with the 
deliberation its vital importance deserves, thus affording the people of the 
United States sufficient time to inform the honorable Congress of their 
views. 

Third. The farmers of this country oppose annexation. The sentiment 
among them against it is well-nigh unanimous. Their opposition is ba.sed 
upon the hifchest patriotism and most disinterested motives— the national 
welfare, political .justice. 

Fourth. In addition to these reasons for its defeat, the farmers recognize 
that annexation would seriously interfere with the otherwise promising de- 
velopmcntof our domestic beet-.sugar and cane-sugar industry. Already the 
bare possibility of annexation has called a halt to numerous sugar-factory 
enterprises, which had promised a home market to farmers for a new and 
proruublo crop. Defeat aimexation and you remove the last obstacle in the 
way of enabling American agriculture, cai)ital, and labor to produce the 
$lui.(Kii,()(H) worth of sugar annu.ally imported heretofore. 

That the above truthtuUy and moderately expresses the earnest desires of 
the farmers of this nation will in due course be respectfully demonstrated to 
th« comiik'to satisfactii)n of the honorable Congress. 

iJono thi.s i:ith day of December, in the year of our Lord 1897, and of the 
IndepL-ndenco of the United States the one hundred and twenty-flrst, and in 
th«- nrst year of the era of our independence of foreign sugar. 

Resr>octfully submitted. 

_ .^ „ The Ameuican Sugar Growers' Society. 

By Its ofilcorB: 

R. M. alle:^. 

Prcsidei\t. Ames. Xrbi: 
(Also president Nebraska Boot-Sugar Growers" A.ssociation.) 

C. A. FARWELL, 
... ,, ^ . yirfPicsklcnt, \i'ir (Jrleimx, La. 

(Also prc8ldcnt American Cano Growers' Association of the United States.) 

HERBERT MYRICK, 
, , , „ , , , Trensurn; r; Lafui/ettc J'Uice, Xew York City. 

(Ai»o prcHldent Oranfro Jndd Comimnv, and editor Ameri<-an Agriculturist 
of Ni-w Vork; ()ran»ro Jndd Farmer, of Chicago, and the Xew England 
HumoHtead, of Siirliigllold.; 

- , B. W. SNOW. 

l^KA'-J Srcrildiu, MnrqMettf IUtil,iin<j, Chicaqo. Til. 

(Statistician Orange Judd Farmer.) 
3IK 



Why, sir, sboiikl Louisiana, why should the visintj growth of 
tho beet-sugar industry in this country, be saerilicoil in order to 
swell the profits of a few planters in Hawaii? There are 5U0.O00 
people in Louisiana dependent on tho sugar industry. The 
laborers are all blacks, 40O.()ii0 at least. You pretended to bo 
their friends when you gavo them suffrage. Now you give them 
a stone, and your heart goes out to a horde of Asiatics, Japanese, 
Chinese, and' others working under contracts— a state of quasi 
slavery. The "man and brother " must go to the wall while you 
cultivate your new friends and find fresh materials wherewith 
to construct the temple of freedom. rAi)planse. | 

Alas, sir, it is not a temple of freedom you seek to construct. 
"You would not take Asiatics for that purpose. Your real scheme 
is to build an empire on the ruins of your old republic, of wliich 
you appear to be ashamed, and if you are to have an empire— a 
colonial system— you can not have a better start than a dependency 
composed' of Asiatics and contract laborers. 

ItELATIONS OF THK ISLANDS TO THE I'MTF-D STATKS. 

The relations of these islands to the United States have been a 
topic of interest to our statesmen for over seventy years. We 
have had several treaties of reciprocity with Hawaii, one of which 
is now in operation. We have had several treaties providing for 
annexation, one of which is now ptnding in the United States 
Senate. This treaty has been before the Senate a number of 
months and, report says, has been fully debated in executive ses- 
sion. It has not been confirmed, and it has not been finally re- 
jected. It is reported that its friends are afraid to bring the 
treaty to a vote for fear that it will be rejected. 

And thus, practically, the treaty project fails. That much, at 
least, we know, and now the friends of annexation have still an- 
other plan. It is to pass a joint resolution providing for annexa- 
tion. This question is now before us. It may seem to some like 
a small matter— the annexation of G,000 or 7,000 square miles of 
territory in all; and so to some persons at the time of o\ir Revolu- 
tion in ITT.j a penny tax on tea seemed a very small matter; but it 
involved principles which led our fathers to combat the mightiest 
power in the world and evoked forces that will live forever. And 
so to-day this annexation of 7,000 square miles of territory— 
these little islands of the far Pacific— involves policies and conse- 
quences which may change the whole character of our Govern- 
ment. The present war with Spain may be prosecuted to a glo- 
rious conclusion, glorious for our arms, and far more glorious for 
tho cause of humanity, for which we have prosecuted tho war; 
and yet it may be that by wise councils this war may be so ter- 
minated and closed as to involve no serious change in our Gov- 
ernment and general policy as a nation. But, sir, I apprehend 
that the annexation of Hawaii may involve consequences far more 
vast than the war with Sixain. It will be a new departure. This 
fact can not be denied by any truthful and well-informed student 
of our history. We are treading on new and dangerous ground. 

OCR OWN- PEOPLE'S IXTEKEST SHOULD nV. THE PRIME COXSIDKR ATION. 

Mr. Speaker, I would not attempt to decry the ability of the ad- 
vocates of annexation in and out of Congress. They have been 
insistent, earnest, laborious, ingenious. plausil)ie in presenting 
their case, and for the most part I concede freely their patriotism 
and honesty of purpose. The i eport of the accomplished chairman 
3 IS.-, 



8 

of the Committee on Foreifjn Affairs is a proof of what I have said, 
and I re{,Tet to be compelled to differ from its conclusions. The 
ndvtxatf« of annexation have made the most of their case, but not- 
vjthstandiiifj their reports, arguments, ard the great mass of an- 
nexation literature they have presented, their case can not stand 
the tfst of common sense and fair logic. Of course vre must study 
the interests of uur own jieoplc as a paramount object. If we an- 
nex Hawaii, it must bo done not on merely sentimental reasons, 
because 8<jnje four or five thousand Americans have gone there to 
reside and make money, but for the substantial reason that the 
Btej) is necessary to the 70,000,000 of this country as a military or 
naval necessity, "or is advantageous to us commercially, and will 
entail no corresiwnding evils. Don Quixote has no place in this 
business. 

I believe, sir, that this project would be very much weaker but 
for the suggestion put forth tliat this annexation is important to 
ns right now in carrying on the war with Spain. It is also pre- 
tended that Hawaii, by allowing our war vessels to coal there, is 
incurring great danger from some European power. Therefore it 
is sai<l we must annex her immediately. Both these propositions 
are flimsy pretenses. I deny them both. From what European 

Eower is Hawaii in danger? What power is going to assail her 
ecause forsooth she in some small way favors the United States? 
Spain, indeed, might and would do so, but she has not a single 
war vessel of any importance in the Pacific Ocean or even in 
Asiatic waters. She is not able to spare one ship to send to tha 
Philiiipine Islands. Our own fleet is in possession at Manila. Will 
any European power venture to affront the United States by at- 
tacks upon Hawaii for alleged violation of neutrality? Of course 
that wotild involve a war with this country just as sttrelj' as if 
Hawaii were already formally annexed to us. Is Germany or 
France hunting for a quarrel with us? There is no sign of it — 
none whatever. 

NOT XEEBED FOR XAVAI^ OPERATION'S. 

But how does Hawaii help our naval operations in the Philippine 
Islands? How is she necessary to our success? Commodore Dewey 
did his work without help from Hawaii or any foreign power. It is 
true that we are sending him reenforcements of troops and sup- 
plies. There may be some little convenience in our ships stopping 
at Hawaii for additional coal, but this is really not necessary. 
The shijis and the troops would go to Dewey just as surely as if 
the islands did not exist. Commercial instincts will secure him 
coal from citizens of neutral nations just as long as he is able to 
pay for it. The truth is that the reenforcement of Commodore 
l)€wcy is a mere matter of time and administration. Soon it will 
be im fait accompli. He will be master of the situation, able to 
occupy the city of Manila and the Island of Luzon and capture 
the .Sjianish forces long before an annexation resolution can pass 
the two Houses of Congress. 

Tlie capture of Manila and the destruction of the Spanish fleet 
•was a k'lorions feat of arms, and we are all proud and glad of it; 
but if these Philippine Islands had not been assailed by Commo- 
dore Doweyonr operations in the Antilles would have gone on all 
the sjime. It is tliere that conclusions are to be finally tried be- 
tween ihe I'nited States and Spain. The con<iuest of Cuba and 
Pu«Tto Iciro liyour arms is essential. Hawaii is wholly unessen- 
tial to our operations in the Atlantic or in the Pacific. I repeat, 
■MK, 



sir, that Hawaiian annexation has nothing to do with the case. 
The scheme of annexation was started lonj?, long ago and defended 
for reasons and from motives which have nothing to do with our 
present war with Sixain. Sir, I protest against any attempt to 
use and jxn-vert the patriotic feelings of our people at this timo 
and their desire to free C'uha into an argument for annexing the 
Hawaiian Islands. If it be true, as some friends of annexation 
pretend, that Japan and this or that European nation have fixe<l 
a greedy eve upon these islands, then tliis step of annexation, if it 
had any effect at all, would only tend to array new enemies 
against us. [Api)lause.] 

GROAYTII AM) DKVKI.Or.MEXT OF OLIl (DlNTllV A SOLltCK OF I'KIIii:. 

Sir, I take pride in the growth and development of this country. 
I take pride in the fact that wo have made great acquisitions of 
territory and that Democratic Administrations and bonthern 
statesmen have had the leading part in promoting them. Well do 
I recall the fact that Thomas Jeffei-son, a Democratic President, 
acquired the vast Louisiana Territory, out of which many States, 
including my own State, have been carved and grown into splendid 
communities. I remember also that New England, which now 
seems to favor Hawaiian annexation, Avas largely hostile to tho 
acquisition of Louisiana, and that some of her politicians threat- 
ened disunion on that occasion as a mode of resistance. The 
alternative to the Democratic policy of that day was the barrier 
of a great European colony, a new France or a Dominion of Eng- 
land interposed as an obstacle to our frontier progress and to the 
freedom of the Mississippi River. I remember in our history the 
expedition of Lewis and Clarke, which secured our title to Oregon. 

I remember the acquisition of Florida, the acquisition of Texas, 
California, New Mexico— all the work of Democratic Administra- 
tions. I can not pause to dwell upon the effects and consequences 
of these grand ac(iuisitions of territory upon our national growth 
and present rank as one of the great powers of the world. But, 
sir, these acquisitions were promoted by wise statesmen, who 
could compute cost and consequences. It was not the mere vul- 
gar love of conquest. Look through all these grand acquisitions 
of territory, so potent as steps in our history and progress, and 
you find two attendant facts— perhaps I ought to say principles. 
One was that the territory was coterminous with our own. An- 
other fact was that the existing population was so small that it 
would be an easy matter to till these territories up with our own 
people. " Westward the star of empire took its way." As the 
American people pushed forward their emigration tho savage 
gave wav; they carried men of their own blood and race, their 
own institutions, the schoolhouse, the church, the free press, the 
trial by jury, representative government— all the muniments of 
liberty. 

The acquisition of the Louisiana Territory gave ns homes for 
our enterprising people, and ultimately communities as States 
well fitted to enter our system of States, fitted to augment, ex- 
pand, and strengthen the Union. These States have not proved 
a weight or a burden or an expense or a curse to ns. They have 
been an added glory and safeguard to the Republic. The same is 
true of all our acquisitions save one. These lands arc full of 
Americans— forceful, free, energetic, intelligent, libert3--lovmg. 
They speak our tongue. They think like the people of the old 



10 

thirteen States and like the people wlio have populated the North- 
west Territory K^iven by \'ir.:<inia to the Union. It is barely nec- 
essiiry for nie'to glance at these facts, for all in my hearing are 
familiar with tliem. 

I have spoken of one exception. There ^Yas just one acquisition 
made bya statesman, andan ableman, Mr. Seward, which restson 
different Kronnds. There is far less to be said for the acquisition 
of Alaska than any other of our Democratic acquisitions. The 
country, indeed, is large. It cost us only $7,000,000; but while we 
are not burdened there witli a large alien population, it has no soil 
fitted fur agriculture or for homes. It may have some advantages 
licsides a precarious seal industry and a gold production; but it is 
not coterminous and it adds nothing to the strength of the Re- 
public. It is doubtful wliether Mr. Seward would ever have 
entertained the project at all but for the idea that some day the 
Dominion of Canada would enter our Union and that it might be 
well to have Alaska for a geograjdiical ert'ectupon the map. The 
acijuisif ion may be more beneticial in the future, but as it is not 
coterminous it would be a soui-ce of weakness but for the grow- 
ing good feeling between Great Britain and the United States, 

THE TIIUE LINE OF STATESMANSHIP. 

I thiidv that I ought here to recall the fact that at the time when 
Mexico lay at our mercy, when in 1848 we could have taken that 
whole country, and some of our politicians actually proposed to do 
.so, we 8topi)ed .short at the true line of statesmanship. Our 
ancestors had the great and admirable wisdom of moderation. 
The traditions of Jefferson, Madison, and Hamilton, the wise 
conn.sels of Calhoun, Clay, and Webster, had then a spell and a 
liowiT for the American mind. We took from Mexico only those 
northern provinces of New Mexico and California which lay in 
the natural i)athway of our progress and which by reason of a 
very scanty Mexican population were capable of being filled up by 
Americans, as they have been. They were easily assimilated to 
our own .system, California especially. How wise this policj' has 
proved! We left to Mexico all those portions of her country 
which were well populated by her own people. 

.Monr.HATlOX ANI> .JISTICE SUOVI.D DOMINATE. 

We did not seek to incorporate them. A small strip, compara- 
tively unsettled, known later as the "Gadsden purchase," was 
aciiuireil subsequently by treaty in order to promote the construc- 
tion of the Pacific railway. But we took in no large element of 
l)oj)ulationspeaking a different language and cherishingessentially 
difffn'Ut institutions from our own. I admire this moderation, 
tliis spirit of justice and statesmanship that dominated in that 
hour. The Hejaiblic of Mexico has great resources. After many 
trials and sad hours 1 rejoice to think that she is rapidlv pro- 
gressing and is )ia]>pily prosperous under the conduct of a'gi'eat 
u!id wonderful man, who deserves to rank among the foremost 
Htat4'Hnun of the ilay and as a benefactor to a people who are our 
neighboi-s and friends. With them wo have largo and growing 
triide relations from which both countries are deriving profit, and 
which in the future will yield initold and only half-imagined 
Ix-n-fits to both nations. Will any uian be so foolish or wicked 
as to asHprt that it would be bettor to have incorporated Mexico as 
a provin( e or a dei)endency? 
31Hj 



11 

This hasty review of the past, and I make it brieflj- becanse it 
is only necessary to allude to it, throws a Lroail light upon our 
present situation and our dnty at thi.s lime. The present propo- 
sition is different from any we have ever had in the past. Even 
the case of Mexico in 1S48 was widely different. Mexico was not 
densely populated. Her productions and resources were very 
great. Her future was beyond question. She was capable of sup- 
plying a very large product of sugar. She was then and is now 
capable of supplying the whole world with cotTee of a quality 
equal to the best. Her capacities of production and her varieties 
of soil and climate in many respects made her a far more desirable 
acquisitiun than Hawaii, even if Hawaii were equally near and 
had an equal area. Mexico is a hundredfold richer. 

HAWAII'S LIJIITUl) DOMAIN. 

But. leaving out the case of Mexico, compare the acquisition of 
Hiiwaii with the territorial acijuisitions of the past. Compare 
the grand acciuisitions of virgin lands, of grand areas of prairies, 
and forests of unoccupied lands with the pitiful area and meager 
opportimities of these little islands, thrown up by some volcanic 
action in the I'acific Ocean. Seven thousand square miles all told, 
surrounded by water and 2, '200 miles away! A country hardly a 
fifth the size of Ohio, largely mountainous and uninhabitable, 
with no vacant or unoccupied lands, no opportunities for homes 
for our people, and already filled up full and running over and 
with Kanakas and Asiatics. Am I wrong as to this? 1 read from 
the report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs the following facts 
and figures: 

The census of 1."^ shows the population to be ]n0.020. 

In round numbers the different nationalities are represented as follows: 



Native Hawaiians 31,000 

Japanese 34,40(J 

Portuguese L). KO 

Chinese 'Zl.&lO 

Part Hawaiian and part foreign 
blood 8,400 



Americans 3,000 

British 3.200 

Germans 1,400 

Norwegians and French 47!) 

All other nationalities 1,055 



The percentage of Americans and Europeans by birth or descent 
is here stated at 22, but this includes the Portuguese. I can not 
regard these as homogeneous. The European population are not 
united, small as they are, but are discordant, and only o,000 out of 
78,000 of those of foreign parentage or descent are Americans. 
The great bulk are Asiatics; yet Americans have had ample op- 
portunities to settle there. They have not been interfered with 
nor oppressed. Why are there so few of them in Hawaii? I can 
only suppose that the Americans do not care to go there for lack 
of the opportunities that they have in their own country. The 
islands seem to attract the overcrowded populations of Asia, the 
class of people who can live and work in a hot climate for a few 
cents a day a;id in a low scale of life. 

What are we to do with these Asiatics or with the Portuguese? 
You can not well ship them back to their own countries. Are 
you going to shut down on all Japanese immigration, or are you 
going to throw over them all the a^gis of American citizenship? 
Do you propose to admit as a State a country with an over- 
whelming laoportion of Asiatics and Polynesians and only ;3 per 
cent of Americans? Do you propose to shut Hawaii out as a 
State of the Union and keep her as a dependency? What advan- 
tage are you to derive from assimiing this burden? With every 
3485 



12 

nflvantiiKe to bo derived from reciprocity treaties the total esti- 
mated area of land under cano cultivation is only 67,S49 acres. 
The flugar exports liave reached 292,08:5,589 pounds. But for the 
riyht to export sugar froelv and duty free to the United States, 
and till' American duties on all other foreign sugar— a great boom 
fur .sonifbodv's benefit and a great loss to our own revenue— these 
islands would have to face a far different state of affairs. 

A fiil.OM.VI. SVSTKM INCONSISTKNT WITH OUK GOVEUNME.NTAI. SV.STE.Nf. 

Disguise it as vou may by ingenious phrases or specious pleas of 
military necessity, wo are "confronted with the grave question, 
Hliall Wf enter u]ion a colonial system such as that of England, 
such as that which has been the curse and disgrace of Spain, such 
as that which burdens France and threatens to involve Germany 
and Italv in war with other powers— I might say a system that 
threatens to involve all Europe in war? Under this seeking oiit 
for colonies Africa has been partitioned, divided up, and now these 
great countries are riuarreling over the spoils. With monarchical 
governments or governments only nominally republican, but really 
despotic or monarchical, this system of colonies, however burden- 
some, however tending to conflicts, may be pursued without a 
bhock to their systems of government. 

But with us the case is different. Our whole sj'stem is founded 
on the right of the people- all the people— to participate in the 
Government. If we annex Hawaii, we must soon admit the 
countrv as a State of the Union, with only 3 per cent of the popu- 
lation Americans, or we must keep the islands as a dependency— 
a sort of proconsulate where we can maintain rich men's sons in 
office and grandeur, or provide for needy and profligate politi- 
cians, such' as those who for long years after the war scourged, 
robbed, and desolated the Southern States. At present there is 
no party bold enough to advocate the idea of admitting Hawaii as 
a State "of the Union, whatever design they may propose in their 
hearts. Thev do not propose to make the Kanakas and Asiatics 
the e(iuals in'political power with New York, Ohio. Pennsylvania, 
Illinois. No: The plan is to have and keep Hawaii as a colony 
or dependencj'. 

NO COXCEALMENTS SHOULD BE MADE. 

Now, sir. if this be the design, let it be frankly and honorably 
avowed. Let us have no fraud or deception practiced upon the 
IMjople. Let all be plain sailing. If we are to change our entire 
system and i)olicy as a confederated republic and go in for a grand, 
colonial, and imperial system, let the issue be fairly propounded. 
Let the people see what they are to give up and what they are to 
gain by it. Above all, let us consider that it is the first step that 
costs. " We can not stop with these petty islands of Hawaii. To 
do so would be a national humiliation. If Ave are to run a race 
for the ac(iuisition of colonies with the European governments — 
for colonies with a poi)ulat,ion alien in race, language, religion, 
everything— let us not do things on a small scale. We must not 
tail behind Italy. France, Germany, countries inferior to us in 
wealth and population. Sir, I warn you that you can not ever 
enter on siich a policy as this and stop short at Hawaii. You can 
not stop. Still less can you go backward in your tracks. 

I have made no reference to the great (4overnment of Russia. 
Ambitious as her rulers may be, ready and anxious for acquisi- 
tions, and a groat military power as she is, Russia seeks only con- 
;;jN.-, 



13 

tigiions acquisitions— countries adjoining her own. These she 
conquers or annexes, populates tlieni. if there be room, and at any 
rate governs them by a strong hand. She seems to have a won- 
derful faculty in assimilating foreit^n countries that shcconciuers, 
as remarkable, indeed, as the Roman Empire of old, and so far 
there is no sign of decay. But Russia is a monarchy— a grand 
Empire with a gigantic army. Her system of government is not 
a representative one like ours. She has no free institutions. 13ut 
with all this she acciuires no colonies. The only colony she ever 
had— 1 mean Alaska— she sold to this country long ago. It was a 
wise act for her to do. 

ABANnONM::NT OK OI.O SYSTEM r.WVlSK. 

So the question presses on us. Shall we abandon our old system 
and adopt the colonial system, with all its conseciuences? Is it a 
necessity for us at this time? Is it wise? Is it calculated to pro- 
mote liberty and free institutions, or does it tend to consolidation 
and empire? Would an empire, great though it might be, prove 
better for our people than the free institutions which have made 
us the first of the nations in wealth and progress? 

If this (luestion can be fairly put and considered by the Ameri- 
can people. I shall not fear the response. I admit that men's 
minds are disturbed by the excitement of the war with Spain, but 
there is reason and method enough left to guide our i)eople to a 
safe conclusion. We can carry on a war with Spain. I hope, with 
success and yet not surrender our system of free government. 

NO OTHER POWER WILL INTERl-EHE. 

One of the arguments usually urged in favor of annexing Ha- 
waii is that if we do not take these islands at once, some other 
power will do so. There is no warrant for this assertion. There 
is no power on the globe that does not know that the Hawaiian 
Islands are forbidden fruit. They know that this country would 
not permit it. They each and all know that there is nothing in 
these islands to compensate the cost of a war with the United 
States, even if it should be successful. There have indeed been 
periods in the remote past when European powers have interfered 
with the independence of the Hawaiian Islands, but that time has 
long since gone by. The European powers now fullv recognize 
the fact that the United States would regard this as a "hostile act. 
They have had ample notice. Their position is apparent in the . 
documents of this report. It is summed up well at page 81 by 
Lord Paluierston, speaking nearly half a century ago. He said 
that the British Government desired the Hawaiian people to pre- 
serve national independence. "If they were unable to do so. he 
recommended receiving a protectorate government under the 
United States or by becoming an integral part of that nation." 

This attitude of England has been repeatedly and most frankly 
stated. The paramoimt influence of the United States and her 
moral right to control the destinies of the islands has been steadily 
recognized. It is a fixed policy and will not be varied by England. 
No other Eurojiean power has proposed a different policy. Japan 
disavows any idea of annexation. Her interests are those of peace 
with this country. Japan and the United States have in common 
a great paramount interest in Asia in enlarged trade and free in- 
tercourse for all nations. Japan is not going to quarrel with the 
United States or to pursue an aggressive policy in respect to Ha- 
waii. In a word, the United States are free in respect to Hawaii 

3185 



14 

from all foreign complications. This effort to provoke our people 
to resentment of fancied wrongs, ami then to annexation, in order 
to show what we can do if we will, has no adequate foundation or 
.iustification. It is a mere trick in the game of men who have a 
pvofit to make hy annexation. It is a cheap, transparent device, 
and should not influence us for a single moment. 

I come now to the i)oint that those islands may be made the 
basis of an attack upon the Pacific coast. We have already a 
right to establish a coaling station at Pearl Harbor. We have not 
improved upon our right which exists by and under our reciproc- 
ity treaty with Ha wan. Of course we can improve this harbor at 
any time" we please and fortify it if we desire to do i^o. I admit the 
advantage of coaling stations at Hawaii, at the Philippine Islands, 
and on the Asiatic coast. We ought to seek such a concession 
from Cliina, and probably it could be readily obtained. China 
has made such concessions to less friendly nations than our own. 
But the fact stands that up to this time nothing has been done. 

ISIr. Speaker. I (juestion the assertion that any power can make 
the Hawaiian Islands with success a base of hostile operations 
against our Western coast. England does not need it for this pur- 
pose. She has her own base at PJsquimalt. She has British Co- 
lumbia and Vancouver Island. The other countries are so remote 
from our Pacific shores that it seems to me idle to suppose that 
France. Germany, Russia, or Japan can direct naval or military 
operations against our Western coast. Gentlemen who make this 
argument appear to me to forget that our Navy is being rapidly 
developed and that the Pacific coast States are about to become 
the dominant force on the Pacific coast. That they can be success- 
fully assailed by any other power than Great Britain seems in the 
highest degree improbable. Of coiirse if England has the power 
to strike us. we have the power to strike back. We can strike at 
lier by land and water. I do not fear such a confiict, and I am 
glad to believe that such a confiict is not likely to occur. With 
the growing friendship and community of interests of the two 
nations there remains only a rivalry of commerce and of friendly 
offices. I recognize the necessity of building up a strong navy on 
the Pacific coast, one worthy of the country and able to defend our 
interests: but this does not require the annexation of Hawaii. 
Indeed, it renders annexation a matter of wholly secondary and 
minor importance. 

Sir, I object to any policy of alarm and sensation. We are 
growing faster than any country in the world in wealth and pop- 
ulation. Shall we lose our heads and our even balance because 
we are involved in a brief war with a Aveak power that is bank- 
rupt and has only one-fourth of our population? This subject of 
annexation jjresents wholly different considerations and has noth- 
ing properly to do with the Spanish war. 

I have already consumed more time than I had designed, but 
without going into detail or ancient history I have endeavored to 
present fairly some of the issues involved in the issue of annexa- 
tion. I have not dwelt upon the commercial aspects of the ques- 
tion. We have a commerce with Hawaii which, while not large, 
is valuable. But these islands produce nothing of importance 
that we can not produce at hoine. Their chief product is sugar. 
With cheap Asiatic or contract labor these islands are able to pro- 
duce a good deal of sugar, and this entered free in our ports reduces 
our revenues and creates a formidable competition to the growing 

a485 



15 

beet iuaustry on the Pacific coast. This, sir, ought not to be. 
With an adequate and steady duty on sugar, wo can produce 
from the cane and the beet all the sugar this country can re<iuire. 
The question to be considered i^. Shall these great and growing 
industries of our own people be broken down m order to swell the 
profits of adventurers and speculators? , , t « 

If this one factor were removed from the problem. I am conh- 
dent that we should hear much less of annexation than we have 
done for some years past. The fever fur annexation is not pure 
sentiment. It is not a Platonic love. It means settlements, money 
for a certain class of interests, and is essentially a manage de 
convenance. It has pressed and maintained the reciprocity 
treaty There is mischief enough in that arrangement without 
adopting a colonial and imperial system which is to change the 
whole spirit and principle of our American representative Cxov- 
ernment. [Applause. 1 .,,.,. -, 

I deny that von can have a colonial system, with inferior and 
mongrel races' and mongrel governments, and standing armies to 
hold and defend them, without giving up your grand American 
system of free government with limited powers btate rights, 
l6cal self-governinent, and individual freedom. This proposition 
is self-evident. It requires no argument and no elucidation. 

Take this first fatal step and you can not recall it Much ot 
error we have corrected. Much that may hereafter be you can 
correct. But when this step shall be taken, you are irrevocably 
pledged to a svsteni of colonies and empire. There are no toot- 
steps backwaixl. You may have grandeur. Will you retain 
liberty? 

•WE SHOULD DEVELOP DEMOCRATIC PniNX'IPEES. 

Is there nothing better? Is there nothing to point the aspira- 
tions of our people? I think there is. i do not desire weakness 
as a people. 1 rejoice in our strength and growth. \\ e are strong 
enough to pursue a grand and a glorious destiny. We can be 
easily the first power of the world if to ourselves only we bo true. 
There are two things I would suggest, one a foreign policy, the 
other domestic. I have time only to glance brierly at both, in 
respect to our domestic policy, what is better to develop our hap- 
piness and liberty and growth than the cardinal policies of the 
Democratic party-a respect for the rights of the people and the 
States, the union of the States, a reverence f or the i ederai Consti- 
tution an avoidance and hatred of class legislation, low taxation, 
no monopolies, no bounties to individuals or to classes, no ettort to 
enrich any man at the expense of his neighbor; order, peace, and 
iustice'' The doctrines of Jefferson and the fathers, of the most 
eminent statesmen of the present generation these will injure no 
man. but will benefit, bless, and advance the Republic. Lndei 
this system there is no limit to our growth ; we can then dety all our 
enemies; we can open a hope for all our people; we can eclipse the 
glories of any empire of the past or the present; wecaii cominand 
peace and appal aiiv country that would dare be a wrongdoer jit our 
expense. In all this grand chart ot progress there are no blood 
stains, no tears of orphan or widow, no standing armies, no do9m 
for the poorer the humble man aspiring to earn his bread and Jive 
in the fear of God. [Applause.] . „f r^vmVn 

Thus living and moving we shall have the respect of foieign 
powers. We shall be strong and we shall not want for f riends. W o 



LiBKHKY UK CUNUKtbb 



013 744 823 3 



IG 



may not join in tlie vulgar scramble for foreign territory or pai-- 
lake in the partition of .Spain or Asia, but we are free to seek for- 
eign markets, and we may say to foreign nations frankly and firmly 
tluit we will not allow their schemes of comiuest or ambition to 
sliut ns ont from markets that are fairly ours. We may say that 
the vast and growing trade of China belongs as fairly to us as to 
other countries, and that while we do not covet one foot of her 
soil we will not allow ourselves to be excluded from its commerce. 
We may not light to have colonies, dependencies, and subjects, 
but we may talce a start ior free access to markets that are ours 
fairly by our position and growth on the Pacific Ocean. In such 
a contest we shall have the cooperation of at least one great and 
powerful nation. We stand only for what is just and right. 

I shall not follow out this line of thought, but I submit it as a 
counter project to the miserable game of grab and incorporation 
of Asiatics and Malays into a free representative republic, which, 
if it is to remain great and honored, free and happy, must be a 
white man's government. I prefer the republican government of 
our fathers to this scheme of empire and of greed which is sought 
to be fastened on us l)y false pretense and appeals to our fears. I 
speak for the best and highest interests of the American people and 
not for speculators. I speak for the laboring poor; I speak only 
what all tlie fathers of our freedom have told us to believe and 
act upon. I ask you solemnly to listen to their coitnse'.s and to 
follow their footsteps. [Prolonged applause.] 
3iS5 



